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UK: THE GAY ADOPTIONS DEBATE
Suffer the children
IF I were gay and wanted to give a child a home, my
first thought would not be to head off to a Catholic adoption agency.
Any more than if I were a man, I would take my medical problems to a
well-women clinic. Not unless I was looking for confrontation; not
unless I was more concerned about making a statement than achieving my
goal.
But then gesture politics is at the heart of the
escalating row over whether or not Catholic adoption agencies should be
exempt from anti-discrimination legislation. It's not really about the
best interests of a handful of vulnerable children. It's not even about
protecting the rights of minorities to access services. It's about two
mutually hostile lobby groups resuming their entrenched positions in a
long-running power struggle that takes no prisoners.
With the Section 28 skirmish now a fading memory, the
old enemies have found a new battleground for their opposing value
systems. And this time round, the standoff threatens to undermine First
Minister Jack McConnell and jeopardise the future of the very children
both parties insist they are trying to protect.
Let's rewind to the start of this stramash. A month
ago, the Scottish Parliament passed a bill which allowed gay couples to
adopt. But the Executive assured the Catholic Church its adoption
agencies - one in Glasgow and one in Edinburgh - would not be expected
to handle any of those cases.
Then, last week, as Westminster prepared to pass an
Equality Bill outlawing discrimination against anyone on the grounds of
their sexuality, high-ranking Cabinet members, including Education
Secretary Alan Johnson, insisted Catholic agencies should be forced to
comply with the new laws or shut down.
Central to Johnson's argument is the conviction that
discrimination against minorities is wrong and should be eradicated from
society. And yet, as individuals, we discriminate against people every
day: on the grounds of their looks, their accent, their class or their
lifestyle choices. Furthermore, some of this discrimination is enshrined
in law. The banning of smokers from public places, for example; and the
fact that a Catholic can never be the monarch.
Since one person's human rights are often directly
opposed to another's, the best we may be able do is to broker some kind
of compromise. Take the strange case of the woman who was refused
cigarettes at WH Smith because the sales assistant was Muslim and
opposed the use of tobacco. Clearly this discriminates against the
smoker, who has a right to obtain her nicotine fix in any shop licensed
to sell it. But to reverse the decision discriminates against the
Muslim. You can argue all day about whose rights should take precedence,
but in practical terms it doesn't really matter because the
smoker/Muslim can always shop/work elsewhere.
Far from being a hindrance, discrimination is
intrinsic to the adoption selection process, which, by its very nature,
involves applying subjective value judgments to other people's
characters and lifestyles. In the past, prospective parents have been
ruled out because they are too old; too fat; too unhealthy; too
religious; or too white. In other words, someone, somewhere has decided
certain couples will be less capable of providing a positive environment
on the grounds of age, appearance or lifestyle choices.
Naturally, Catholic adoption agencies discriminate
according to their own value system. When they refuse to deal with
same-sex couples, they are doing so, not to penalise them, but out of a
genuine conviction that children's interests are best served by being
brought up in a traditional family unit.
These values may not shared by the majority of the
population, but it is difficult to see how they have an impact on gay
couples in real terms. Catholic agencies, after all, handle only 4% of
all adoptions. Are you seriously disadvantaged if the agencies handling
the other 96% are all able and willing to help you?
Indeed, if you strip away the emotive religious vs gay
rhetoric, it is possible to see Catholic adoption agencies not as agents
of bigotry, but as providers of a niche service. When homosexual couples
are turned away from their door, they are not being told: "You have no
right to adopt," but simply: "We are not the best people to help you.
Here are the numbers of others more tailored to your requirements."
A more pressing concern, perhaps, is whether allowing
one faith group to opt out of legislation would set a precedent. But the
conflict between law and conscience is not new. Gynaecologists who
oppose abortions on moral grounds are neither forced to carry them out
nor to give up their jobs. This is not seen as discriminatory to those
who are pro-choice, because women who want abortions are able to obtain
them elsewhere.
Nor is the notion of certain institutions being exempt
from equality legislation trail-blazing. A refuge for victims of
domestic violence, for example, would not be expected to employ a man to
look after its traumatised clients in order to comply with gender
equality legislation.
As always, the Catholic Church is its own worst enemy.
As last week wore on, its stance became more belligerent, its language
less temperate. But just because the Catholic Church is pig-headed is no
reason to meddle with the good work it does in this field. Although
Catholic agencies handle only a tiny fraction of total adoptions, they
oversee a third of "special needs" cases; in other words the adoption of
children who are the most difficult to place. Thus, the problem with
Catholic adoption agencies is the same as the problem with Catholic
schools. At the same time as acknowledging that their very existence is
ideologically questionable, you cannot help but recognise they punch
above their weight. And, however sceptical you are about religion, it is
difficult to shake off the suspicion that their success is linked to
their faith.
If Tony Blair bows to the demands of his Cabinet
colleagues and forces Catholic adoption agencies to flout the law or
close, he will do nothing to further the cause of homosexual couples who
want to adopt, but a lot to damage the chances of society's most
disadvantaged children. And that's a high price to pay to prop up a
spurious notion of equality.
Dani Garavelli
28 January 2007
http://news.scotsman.com/columnists.cfm?id=145642007
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